How Media Bias Wrecked the #MeToo Movement

Democratic presidential hopeful Joe Biden—Donald Trump’s last remaining rival—has been accused of sexual assault by a former staffer named Tara Reade.

Such a serious allegation against a presidential candidate would normally be a loud, leading, global story. Instead, America’s biggest mainstream news outlets such as the New York Times, the Washington Post and CNN have remained eerily quiet about the Tara Reade accusations.

So deafening is this ‘conspiracy of silence’ that the legacy media’s bias has itself become the story; more newsworthy, perhaps, than the allegations against the former Vice President.

“It is a damning and possibly campaign-ending revelation.”

In a March 25th interview, Tara Reade, a staffer for then-Senator Joe Biden described the incident that she says occurred in 1993. Pinning her to a wall in the Senate building, Biden allegedly reached under her clothes and forced himself on her.

If true, it is a damning and possibly campaign-ending revelation for the man who hopes to replace Trump in the White House this November.

Decades-old allegations can be difficult to prove. An accuser should always be heard and respected. And the accused should always be presumed innocent until proven guilty.

This belief in due process, it could be argued, is why America’s media has been reluctant to publish. But there is one glaring problem with this explanation—and his name is Brett Kavanaugh.

“Decades-old allegations can be difficult to prove.”

In 2018, Kavanaugh was nominated as a Supreme Court justice by the Republican party. It would be a lifetime appointment in the nation’s highest court.

On the eve of Kavanaugh’s confirmation, Christine Blasey Ford stepped forward accusing him of sexual assault. At a high school party, she alleged, Kavanaugh pinned her to the bed, tried to remove her clothing, and covered her mouth so she couldn’t scream.

Biden and Kavanaugh create for us a perfect litmus test in media objectivity: both men aspiring to a preeminent national office; both facing allegations of sexual assault from long in the past; both categorically denying the claim.

So how did the media respond in each case?

The New York Times immediately published the Kavanaugh story, dedicating a team of reporters, multiple front-page stories, and weeks of coverage to the affair.

“Biden and Kavanaugh create for us a perfect litmus test in media objectivity.”

By contrast, it was 19 days before the same paper touched the Joe Biden allegation. Instead of publishing a report, the Times offered a ‘meta-story’ with the headline, Examining Tara Reade’s Sexual Assault Allegation Against Joe Biden.

Later, the NYT stealth-edited their own article. After receiving a complaint from Joe Biden’s campaign, the paper removed a reference to Biden’s “hugs, kisses and touching that women previously said made them uncomfortable”.

To their credit, the Times published a follow-up piece in which its Executive Editor responded to charges of bias. His answers, however, were slippery as soap.

He claimed that the deleted sentence was due to ‘awkward phrasing’ in the original. He also hosed down their 19-day delay, explaining that the paper needed more time to investigate before letting readers ‘make their own judgment’—a grace, by the way, never extended to Kavanaugh.

“The New York Times stealth-edited their own article.”

The Washington Post was just as duplicitous, waiting the same 19 days to report on the accusations against Biden. Tara Reade’s story was corroborated by her brother and mother—but rather than quoting her family members at length, the WaPo gave a far louder voice to Democrat staffers at the time who denied Reade made a complaint.

The article frequently veered off-topic—most notably, raising allegations against Donald Trump though they were unrelated to the story. After reporting that Tara Reade had recently made an official police complaint, the author of the Post article insinuated that Reade was at fault, declaring, “Filing a false report is a crime punishable by up to 30 days in jail.”

By contrast, it was the Washington Post that was first to publish Christine Blasey Ford’s accusations against Kavanaugh, setting off the media feeding frenzy that followed. The WaPo framed Blasey Ford sympathetically and took her claims at face value.

“The author of the Washington Post article insinuated that Reade was at fault.”

CNN has been the most dishonest player in the whole sordid affair. The media behemoth waited a full 24 days to first mention Tara Reade’s accusations against the Democrat frontrunner. Meanwhile, in 2018, CNN published a jaw-dropping 700 articles about the Kavanaugh allegations.

The news network used a similar ‘meta-story’ framing technique to the New York Times. CNN called their belated article Democrats grapple with questions about Tara Reade’s sexual assault allegation against Joe Biden, instead of letting the allegations themselves be the news story.

Since Joe Biden has been accused, he has had more than ten TV interviews—including one with Brooke Baldwin and two with Anderson Cooper, both CNN hosts. Neither of them asked Biden about the Tara Reade accusations.

“CNN has been the most dishonest player in the whole sordid affair.”

In fact, not a single interviewer from the legacy media has questioned Joe Biden since the allegations came to light. Most of these same anchors—not just from CNN but also representing MSNBC, ABC and NBC—were adamant in 2018 that Kavanaugh was guilty.

It seems that #MeToo and #BelieveAllWomen were little more than hashtags. The rules of the game have suddenly changed now that a Democrat is in the crosshairs.

Even Alyssa Milano—the actress who sparked the #MeToo movement—has taken a sudden and unexpected stand for impartial treatment.

Answering an interview question about Joe Biden, Milano explained that believing all women “does not mean at the expense of giving men their due process and investigating situations… it’s got to be fair in both directions.” This, of course, didn’t stop her from attending anti-Kavanaugh rallies two years ago.

“Increasingly, the legacy media is itself the news.”

The legacy media holds a mammoth sway over the mindset of our culture. When major news outlets report, they are always responsible for their framing; always making ethical judgments; always deciding what is news and what isn’t.

They know this. That’s why CNN sells itself as, “The most trusted name in news.” That’s why the Washington Post courageously declares that “Democracy dies in darkness.” That’s why the masthead of the New York Times still reads, “All the news that’s fit to print.”

But increasingly, the legacy media is itself the news. Activists dressed as journalists running cover for a political party during an election year?

At the risk of sounding like Donald Trump, it’s fake news. And there’s nothing like fake news to fire up Trump’s base and get him re-elected.

20 Reasons Trump Will Win Again In 2020

From the day Donald Trump announced his candidacy in 2015, I was sceptical. He was a mogul from liberal New York, unfaithful in marriage, divorced twice, and verbally ruthless towards his opponents.

None of that has changed. And while there is still lots to dislike about Trump’s persona, his performance has surprised me.

“I’m now convinced that President Trump will win a second term.”

I’ve lived in America for the last six months. I’ve heard lots of perspectives on Trump, and I’ve kept a close eye on the media. I’ve explored Washington DC, visited the Capitol Building, and I even got to see Trump speak at a live event.

For a whole range of reasons, I’m now convinced that President Trump will win a second term. Impeachment or not, here are 20 reasons I’m almost certain he’ll be re-elected in 2020.

1. It’s The Economy, Stupid

It’s hard to deny that the American economy is humming. Under Trump, household income is higher than it’s been in 50 years, and unemployment the lowest it’s been in 50 years.

Jobs growth is outpacing expectations. Poverty is down—especially for minority communities; and optimism is up. On top of all of this, the stock market continues to break records.

Debate surrounds the exact figures, but all agree that the Trump economy is impressive.

2. The Black Vote

Black voters traditionally vote Democrat. 2016 was no exception, with only 8% backing Trump. Recent figures, however, place his approval among the African-American community at a jaw-dropping 34%.

Several factors seem to be driving this turnaround. Trump’s economy has been especially good for black communities, with huge increases in black employment and median household incomes.

“Trump’s approval among the African-American community is now at a jaw-dropping 34%.”

Trump has also won favour among African-Americans by prioritising prison reform, designating as “national monuments” many historic sites important to the black community, and giving big-name supporters like Kanye West unprecedented access to the Oval Office.

If anywhere near 34% of the black vote goes to Trump, he’ll probably be re-elected in a landslide.

3. The Hispanic Vote

The pundits expected Hispanics to overwhelmingly vote against Trump in 2016 because of his strong stance on immigration. But in the end, he won 28% of their vote. This was at least ten points higher than pre-polling suggested.

Die-hard Republicans suspect that Democrats want open borders in order to secure more Hispanic votes. Whether or not this is true, it is simply not a given that Latinos vote Democrat.

“Almost 60% of Hispanics support Trump’s strong border policies.”

Many Hispanics are Catholic or have a Catholic background, which means they are more conservative on issues like abortion.

And it turns out that they too want their jobs protected from illegal immigrants: almost 60% of Hispanics support Trump’s strong border policies.

4. Incumbency

The modern trend in American politics is that sitting presidents are re-elected. Obama stayed in office for two terms, as did Bush before him, and Clinton before him.

In fact, since the Second World War, only three out of thirteen presidents have been unable to secure a second term.

Incumbency isn’t everything, but the odds are in Trump’s favour.

5. Promises Kept to Evangelicals

Christians like me still have to squint to see the Christianity in Trump. Either way, he has largely kept his word to people of faith, fulfilling some 90% of the requests they put to him.

Trump has made religious freedom a signature issue of his presidency. In terms of policy, he is one of the most pro-life presidents in history. “Every child, born and unborn, is a sacred gift from God,” is a phrase now regularly heard from his lips.

“Christians like me still have to squint to see the Christianity in Trump.”

In his three years so far, Trump has made 173 judicial appointments, at a pace doubling that of Obama’s. These mostly-conservative judges will shape America for decades to come, and may end up being Trump’s most significant legacy.

The evangelical vote has long been seen as crucial to election victories in the USA. And like it or not, Trump has worked hard on policy to secure it for a second term.

6. Fake News

Donald Trump is well-known for his complaints about the “Fake News Media”, and for calling the modern press “the enemy of the people”. Fans of Trump have taken to mocking media bias with trending phrases like Trump Derangement Syndrome and Orange Man Bad.

Their opposition to mainstream news isn’t unwarranted: a recent study found that, out of 700 evaluative comments made about Trump on major news networks, 96% were negative. During the same period of six weeks, only four minutes were given to discussing Trump’s economy.

“Pundits on the left and right point out that this overt bias is playing into Trump’s hand.”

Earlier this year, CNN’s president and other staff were secretly recorded exposing an extreme anti-Trump bias that drives their network’s coverage of him.

A month later, an ABC reporter was caught on hot mic revealing that back in 2016, her network quashed a story on billionaire paedophile Jeffrey Epstein at the same time that Hillary Clinton—with ties to Epstein—was running for president.

The intent of these outlets appears to be Trump’s defeat in 2020. But pundits on the left and right point out that this overt bias is playing into Trump’s hand by confirming his claims, and firing up his supporter base.

7. The Media Echo Chamber

There is an additional danger for the mainstream media. The risk for journalists who lurch leftward faster than America is that even as they congratulate each other and believe their own news, they neglect that everyday people aren’t joining them for the ride.

If it’s true that “the ratings don’t lie”, then the meteoric rise of Fox News and the ratings freefall for CNN and MSNBC seem to confirm this reality.

“American newsrooms are now crowded with liberal coastal elites.”

Groupthink, echo chamber, confirmation bias, the media bubble. It goes by different names, but it is a real phenomenon. It was the reason whole nations were taken by surprise when ScoMo won Australia, when Brexit and Boris swept the UK—and most of all, when Trump took America the first time around.

The shock of Trump’s victory helped even left-leaning outlets diagnose the problem: that American newsrooms are now crowded with liberal coastal elites who live in a different world from most of their readers.

“Mainstream news outlets will need to make their case with more nuance if they hope to avoid a repeat of 2016.”

Not so long ago, journalists saw their role as informing public opinion instead of forming it. It might be asking too much to turn back the clock on this.

But if mainstream news outlets want to keep acting as a de facto propaganda arm for progressive parties, they will at least need to make their case with more nuance if they hope to avoid a repeat of 2016.

8. Impeachment

Plans to impeach Donald Trump began before he even took office. Democrats finally felt they had enough evidence to launch a formal impeachment inquiry late this year.

This week, they were successful in impeaching the President. But to remove Trump from office, a two-thirds majority in the Senate would have to agree to it. This is very unlikely given that the Senate is currently controlled by a Republican majority.

“Plans to impeach Donald Trump began before he even took office.”

Worse still, Americans are souring on everything impeachment. Since proceedings began, support for impeachment flipped among voters. While it was 48% for and 44% against beforehand, the most recent Emerson poll shows has this reversed at 45% opposed, and only 43% in favour.

In fact, in a dramatic move, congressman Jeff Van Drew has grown so sick of the drama that he will reportedly defect from the Democratic party this week and become a Republican.

Impeaching Trump may be the Democrats’ biggest gift to him yet.

9. The Polls

The polls more generally are picking up for Trump. Overall, his approval rating has been poor—on average hovering in the low 40s. That recently rose to 43%, which according to Gallup makes Trump as popular as Obama was at the same point in his first term.

Now that the Democrats seem to be overplaying their hand on impeachment, Emerson has seen Trump’s approval rating spike to 48%, which puts him well within striking range of re-election.

“Trump is as popular as Obama was at the same point in his first term.”

There is also the phenomenon, confirmed by research, that in polls people suppress their voting intentions if their views are publicly demonised.

In other words, since it’s now seen as social suicide to vote for Trump, some of his supporters won’t reveal their voting intention in a poll, and will instead take their opinion straight to the ballot box. So on the quiet, Trump’s approval could be well above 48%.

10. Betting Odds

It’s worth taking a look at betting odds for presidential elections, too. Polls measure people’s emotions and shifting opinions—whereas betting agencies deal in cold, hard cash.

Even now that the impeachment process is underway, Trump is far-and-away the favourite on betting markets. He is around even odds on all legal online betting sites: they’re offering next to no payout on Trump, so great is their fear of his reelection.

11. Trump’s Tweeting

A consistent complaint of Trump’s presidency is his tweeting. The president’s constant trolling, his unfiltered opinions, incomplete sentences and SHOUTING IN CAPS LOCK annoy even his allies.

But Trump’s tendency to tweet is tactical. More than any president before, it allows him to circumvent the media and address everyday people directly. And in the process, it reinforces his image as a freedom fighter standing against corrupt institutions.

Even the way Trump uses language works in his favour. Many mock his awkward grammar and sparse vocabulary as unintelligent. In fact, researchers have found that his linguistic style helps voters see him as more relatable and authentic than regular politicians.

12. America First

Trump has surprised many—and somewhat stolen the thunder of Democrats—with his anti-war stance.

It’s part of a broader “America First” push of the Trump administration. Trump is playing hardball on trade. He is infamously strong on borders. He has persuaded America’s allies to contribute more of a fair share to the NATO budget.

“Trump has stolen the thunder of Democrats with his anti-war stance.”

You only have to read the news to see that Trump isn’t presenting the best of America to the rest of the world. But he is presenting a proud America to the rest of the world, instead of apologising, or talking America down.

And like it or not, this resonates with voters—especially in America’s heartland.

13. Pro-Israel Policies

America has a long history of support for Israel. Like much of what he does, Trump has supercharged this stance—to the praise of many, and the fury of others.

Earlier this year, Trump invited Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to the White House. Just after Israel’s leader told Trump, “Israel has never had a better friend than you,” Trump announced that the USA will now recognise the Golan Heights as sovereign Israeli soil. This is a move that decades of presidents have feared to make.

“America has a long history of support for Israel.”

While Clinton, Bush and Obama all tried to move the US Embassy in Israel to Jerusalem, Trump actually did it. The President has also made strong policy moves to help protect Israel from its neighbouring enemies.

Just this month, in response to rising anti-Semitism back home in the States, Trump signed an executive order protecting Jews from discrimination on college campuses.

All of this will likely bode well with Jewish, Christian and even mainstream American voters.

14. The Rust Belt

The Rust Belt describes the inland “fly over” regions of America that experienced industrial decline beginning in the 1980s—in particular the Great Lakes region and the Midwest.

Donald Trump promised this region a resurgence in manufacturing, and on this promise he was able to swing key Rust Belt states to help him secure the presidency.

“Recent polls show Trump performing better than expected in key Rust Belt states.”

During his first two years, Trump somewhat delivered on those promises. Jobs growth in manufacturing was solid and benefitted industrial regions.

This growth slowed over the past year, and it seemed as though Trump was losing his shine in Rust Belt territory. But recent polls show him performing better than expected against all of his Democratic contenders in the key battleground states of Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin.

15. Draining the Swamp

On the campaign trail, “Drain the Swamp” was a favourite phrase of Donald Trump. It was his pledge to trim administrative costs in Washington, and unseat corrupt career politicians.

His early attempts at this were quite rightly seen as a “revolving door” at the White House. For a while, the news cycle struggled to keep up with all of the dismissals and resignations.

“On the campaign trail, ‘Drain the Swamp’ was a favourite phrase of Donald Trump.”

Regardless of how successful Trump’s swamp-draining efforts have been, the perception of Trump as a fearless outsider in D.C. has stuck. His refusal to pander to politicians, his unpolished speeches, and his tendency to shoot from the hip ensure that Washington elites despise him.

That’s just what Trump wants. And his fans with their MAGA hats and “deplorables” t-shirts love him all the more for it.

16. Building the Wall

Arguably Trump’s most controversial policy from the beginning has been his promise to build a wall along the US-Mexican border, to prevent the flow of illegal immigration.

Media has criticised both Trump’s border wall policy, and the slow speed with which he is executing it.

“Trump has deported less than half the illegal immigrants that Obama did.”

Even so, Pew Research has found that 68% of Americans want increased security along America’s southern border, and 54% believe more should be done to deport illegal immigrants.

It also turns out that Trump isn’t quite the xenophobe that his critics make him out to be: despite his tough talk, he has deported less than half the illegal immigrants that Obama did.

17. Democratic Candidates

Perhaps the biggest boost for Trump’s re-election prospects are the Democratic candidates on offer for 2020.

Since the primaries began, over two dozen contenders entered the race. Now that the field has thinned out, the most popular are former Vice President Joe Biden on 26%, and both Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren tied at 16% apiece.

“The biggest boost for Trump’s re-election prospects are the Democratic candidates on offer.”

But with Biden’s gaffes, Bernie’s socialism, and Warren’s lack of likeability, the Democrats fear that none of these candidates will be able to defeat Donald Trump. The New York Times recently reported that Democrat doors are in a scramble, asking, Is There Anybody Else?

Eager to avoid a repeat of 2016, Hillary Clinton has resisted running for nomination. But in a recent poll, Democrats still favoured her over the current frontrunners—though she’s not even in the race.

18. Democratic Policies

One thing that Americans seem united on in this moment is that America is a divided nation.

From sporting heroes to movies to corporations, everything has been politicised. Both parties have vacated the centre, and hold increasingly polarised political views.

“America is a divided nation.”

Pew Research recently found that most of this shift has taken place on the progressive side of politics. The data confirms that while Republicans have inched increasingly to the right, Democrats have swung hard to the left.

Last month, even Barack Obama sent a warning to his own Democratic party. He said that average Americans aren’t interested in “certain left-leaning Twitter feeds or the activist wing of our party.”

“The data confirms that Democrats have swung hard to the left.”

He went on. “Even as we push the envelope and we are bold in our vision we also have to be rooted in reality,” Obama said. “The average American doesn’t think we have to completely tear down the system and remake it.”

It’s not entirely clear that the current crop of candidates are listening to their former President. In terms of policy, precious little separates them. Among other hot-button issues, they all back big government, tax hikes, open borders and taxpayer-funded abortion.

19. Trump’s Indestructibility

Satire site Babylon Bee recently ran a parody article entitled Trump: ‘If You Impeach Me Now, I Shall Become More Powerful Than You Can Possibly Imagine’.

In humorous and hyperbolic terms, it captured something of the impressive indestructibility that Trump has developed through his three years in office.

“Where other politicians would apologise in the face of criticism, Trump doubles down.”

The President has a snarky and egotistical persona that provides limitless fodder to his critics. And yet that same characteristic is indispensable to his success.

Where other politicians would backtrack and apologise in the face of criticism, Trump doubles down. In an era of ubiquitous thin skin, Trump’s adaptation to hostility provokes amusement—and even admiration—in more people than might be willing to admit it.

And in a culture like America’s, that’s a quality that goes a long way.

20. It’s the Economy, Stupid

The average American isn’t on Twitter, has tuned out of the impeachment coverage, and is more interested in sports than the latest news panel complaining about the President.

But the average American feels they are better off under a Trump economy, and that matters. 69% of Americans are optimistic about their personal finances—a 16-year high. 71% say the economy is either “somewhat good” or “very good”—the highest since 2001.

“Everywhere you look, the writing is on the wall.”

Trump’s tax cuts and aggressive deregulation aren’t just a boon for big business: it has translated into pay rises and better employment prospects for people with low-paying jobs, disabilities, criminal records, and those from racial minorities, too.

In a recent CNBC survey, over two-thirds of chief financial officers believe Trump will be re-elected. Moody’s Analytics has predicted a 332-206 Trump victory at the electoral college. Two economic modellers who went against popular wisdom to predict Trump’s win in 2016 are making the same forecast for next year.

“The average American feels they are better off under a Trump economy.”

Everywhere you look, the writing is on the wall. Barring some unforeseen catastrophe, Americans can look forward to five more years of Trump’s America.

Donald Trump’s surprising performance is undoubtedly behind this. But in a strange twist of irony, those who deserve the greatest thanks for Trump’s victory will be his haters.

Revenge of the Short-Term Mission Trip

Stigma surrounds the words “mission trip”. Stories abound of jubilant teams returning home, unaware that they’ve left a trail of offended locals, useless half-finished projects, and further-disempowered communities in their wake.

These stories are real, and they are the spoiled fruit of ill conceived and poorly executed short-term trips. And they make my stomach turn.

But I have a different story to tell. I have just returned from leading my fourth team our church has sent to remote South-East Asia in the last few years. Each time I weigh up the pros and cons of such an endeavour—especially in light of said criticisms—and each year I go ahead and take another group.

“I have a different story to tell.”

Cross-cultural trips can be done extremely well. My evidence is anecdotal, but it is consistent. Year in, year out, the organisation we partner with welcomes us with open arms and sends us home with utmost thanks, asking us to come again. Past participants now make up the core of our young adults community, having stepped up into significant roles of leadership in the church following their return from overseas.

Our trips are far from perfect. We’re always learning: hoping to improve our preparations, our effectiveness on the ground, and our reintegration of members back home. But here are six reasons I believe our teams excel as they do; indeed six suggestions for any church considering a trip, or looking to improve their current practice.

Adopt a learning posture / I have lived in the region we visit for two years, and have become fluent in both the national and local languages. And on every visit, I learn more surprising realities about the place, its people and its culture, and without fail I add dozens of new words to my vocabulary. As our church prepares participants for the trip ahead, my single greatest aim is to make them as curious as I am so we all go with a posture of learning.

“I have lived there for two years but on every visit, I learn more surprising realities about the place, its people and its culture.”

Commission a quality team / Our church has been blessed now for many years with incredible unity and love amongst our leadership and those who call it home. As such, those we’ve sent overseas are spiritually healthy. We’re careful not to recruit people with questionable motives, we’ve developed a solid application process for those interested, and we provide intensive training in the months leading up. As such, when a team is prayed for and commissioned to go, we have great confidence in the group we send.

Serve a worthy organisation / So much credit for the success of our trips goes to the organisation we partner with. It began in 2002 with an Australian couple providing medical treatment and training in refugee camps after a conflict, and it has grown into a fully-fledged NGO led by a local board of directors and staffed by over 100 nationals. The few long-term westerners who remain serve in roles of consultation, strategy and empowerment. The organisation is well staffed to receive visiting teams and ensure our weeks of service among them are effective and responsive to genuine need. As a bonus, there’s been an outpouring of revival in the region for over a year: miracles and people coming to faith on a weekly (and sometimes daily) basis. Thousands of kilometres seperate our church and their patch of jungle, but the growing synergy between our communities is palpable.

“The long-term westerners who remain serve in roles of consultation, strategy and empowerment.”

Build a long-term partnership / Our history with this work traces its roots back over a decade. Several teams were sent then, and our trips have been more consistent in recent times, but spanning this era over 60 people from our church have made the journey. As such, when we arrive, we don’t start from scratch. Relationships, projects, and avenues of ministry that have existed for many years simply continue where they left off. The trust and rapport we have built translates into brand new friendships that feel years old, and progress that is seen in a context far greater than just the few weeks we are there.

Have a strategic purpose / Recent visa restrictions have put limits on how much our teams can work in the school and hospital. But they have also made us reshape our strategic involvement. This year I heard of huge progress being made by a paraplegic patient because of exercises that one of our past team members had taught his carers months ago. I saw a classroom teacher now excelling in behaviour management of her Year 1s because of curriculum we’d put together two years ago, the same week she first nervously stepped into the classroom untrained. Yes, we paint the occasional wall and and tidy the library shelves, but we also work with the nationals to be strategic in the support we give.

“When we arrive, relationships, projects, and avenues of ministry that have existed for many years simply continue where they left off.”

Embrace a supernatural worldview / Demons throw people to the ground screaming. Broken bones get healed instantly. Prophecies are given for a whole team and come to pass with eyebrow-raising accuracy. A class of eleven year olds pray for patients and the whole ward gets discharged in a day. Get used to this. It’s the worldview of the New Testament—and just about every place on earth but the West. Our teams prepare for this too, knowing it’s exactly what we can expect to encounter when we arrive. And on return, we’re better equipped to face uniquely Australian challenges that we never saw in that light.

This upturned worldview is just one of countless benefits of short-term mission trips. Visitors return with a deep compassion for the poor, a commitment to financial partnership at home and abroad, callings to long-term missionary work, and a new-found love for God. As a pastor, I can say without a hint of exaggeration that these trips are the greatest discipleship tool I have discovered.

Convince me to stop planning our next one.

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